Fuel Relief Is Not Living Dignity: GAFAMORG Calls for Living Wage and Stronger Social Protection

The Gani Fawehinmi Memorial Organization (GAFAMORG) has called on the Federal Government to move beyond temporary fuel-related relief measures and adopt a sustainable economic framework built around a Living Wage, accessible public services and comprehensive social protection.

In a statement addressing Nigeria’s escalating cost-of-living crisis, the organisation expressed support for the legitimate demands of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), urging the government to take urgent, concrete and transparent measures to protect workers, pensioners, informal-sector workers and struggling households.

GAFAMORG noted that rising fuel prices have consequences far beyond the cost of transportation, contributing to higher food prices and increasing the cost of housing, healthcare, education and other essential services.

According to the organisation, temporary palliatives may provide short-term relief but cannot resolve the structural problems undermining household incomes and living standards.

Minimum Wage Must Reflect the Cost of Living

GAFAMORG stressed the distinction between a National Minimum Wage, which establishes a legal wage floor, and a Living Wage, which should enable workers to afford decent food, secure housing, transportation, healthcare, education and other essential needs for themselves and their families.

The organisation maintained that wage negotiations should be informed by verified living costs and assessed according to the purchasing power of workers, rather than the nominal amount announced.

It called for evidence-based minimum-wage negotiations, regular and predictable wage reviews, stronger enforcement of wage laws and collective agreements, and a clear, time-bound pathway towards a Living Wage.

Six-Point Agenda for Economic Dignity

The organisation outlined six priority demands:

1. Immediate and transparent relief: Effective measures to cushion the impact of rising fuel and living costs.

2. Evidence-based wage negotiations: Wage reviews grounded in current and verifiable household expenditure.

3. A pathway to a Living Wage: Time-bound measures supported by collective bargaining and regular wage reviews.

4. Enforcement of labour rights: Stronger implementation of minimum-wage laws and collective agreements across public and private sectors.

5. A comprehensive Social Wage: Improved access to affordable healthcare, quality public education, transportation, housing support, adequate pensions and protection against unemployment, disability and workplace injuries.

6. Inclusive protection: Policies that recognise the needs of formal-sector workers, informal workers, self-employed Nigerians and pensioners.

GAFAMORG emphasised that a Living Wage and a Social Wage must advance together. While the former concerns the income workers earn, the latter encompasses essential public services and social protections that reduce the financial burden on households.

The organisation argued that the effectiveness of economic policy should ultimately be measured by whether ordinary Nigerians can afford basic necessities without being trapped in persistent anxiety and financial insecurity.

GAFAMORG Launches People's Living Dignity Test 2026

As part of its public advocacy, GAFAMORG announced the People's Living Dignity Test 2026, a voluntary questionnaire designed to gather citizens' experiences of wages, living costs, access to public services and social protection.

The organisation explained that the initiative is intended to amplify the voices of ordinary Nigerians and encourage wider public participation in discussions about workers' welfare and economic policy. It clarified that the questionnaire is not a substitute for official statistics or academic research.

GAFAMORG called on the NLC, the Trade Union Congress (TUC), other labour organisations, employers, professional associations, informal workers, pensioners, civil society organisations, community leaders, academics, journalists and members of the public to support and circulate the questionnaire.

Members of the public can participate through the official People's Living Dignity Test 2026 questionnaire: [Insert verified questionnaire link here].

The organisation encouraged Nigerians to complete the questionnaire, share it within their communities and workplaces, and mobilise their unions and associations to participate.

Beyond Temporary Concessions

GAFAMORG concluded that Nigeria needs a long-term economic framework that protects purchasing power, improves access to essential services and guarantees greater economic security for workers and their families.

It reiterated that lasting economic dignity requires more than temporary concessions, calling for coordinated action on wages, pensions, public services and social protection.

The statement ended with the organisation's commitment to its founding ideals:

“GAFAMORG — For the Voiceless and Defenceless! Remembering Gani by Continuing His Struggle.”

Groups Accuse INEC, APC of Undermining Electoral Credibility Ahead of 2027 Polls

CACOBAG, CDJ demand restoration of omitted candidates, review of electoral provisions

The Coalition Against Corruption and Bad Governance (CACOBAG) and the Centre for Democracy and Justice (CDJ) have called on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the National Assembly and the judiciary to address controversies surrounding the final list of candidates for the 2027 general elections.

In a joint statement issued on Monday, October 12, 2026, the organisations alleged that the omission of candidates, disputed party-primary outcomes and restrictive membership registration requirements could undermine political participation and public confidence in the elections.

They accused the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), President Bola Tinubu’s administration and INEC of actions they said could disadvantage opposition parties. The allegations represent the groups’ position and were not independently established by the statement.

The concerns come amid reported disputes over candidates omitted from INEC’s published lists. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), for instance, has confirmed that it is engaging the commission over the exclusion of some of its candidates, including Ladi Adebutu in Ogun State and Isa Pantami in Gombe State. <Cite refs={["turn525173search1","turn525173search2"]}/>

Disputed nominations and candidate omissions

The groups cited cases involving candidates from several political parties, including the PDP, NDC, ADC, NNPP, Labour Party, APM and ADP, arguing that the controversy extends beyond a single party.

They also alleged irregularities in the APC’s handling of its primaries in Lagos State, specifically citing Hon. Ganiyu Kola Egunjobi, whom they said won the party’s primary for Agege Constituency I with 9,132 votes but was subsequently replaced. They further alleged similar impositions in Alimosho and Ikeja.

CACOBAG and CDJ called for the publication of primary-election results and video recordings held by INEC, arguing that these records would help establish whether the nominations and subsequent substitutions complied with the law.

However, the reasons for individual omissions and the circumstances surrounding the disputed nominations must be assessed against INEC’s records, relevant court decisions and responses from the political parties concerned.

Electoral law and membership registration

The organisations also challenged provisions of the Electoral Act 2026 governing party membership registers and participation in primaries.

Section 77(5) of the Act provides that only party members whose names appear on a membership register submitted to INEC at least 21 days before a primary, congress or convention may participate in the exercise. Related provisions restrict the use of alternative registers and prescribe consequences for failure to submit the required register. <Cite refs={["turn525173search2","turn525173search4"]}/>

The groups argued that these requirements could exclude prospective party members, particularly those facing barriers to digital access, registration costs and verification procedures. They also criticised INEC’s reported online registration policy, saying it could disproportionately affect low-income citizens.

Their objections come despite a September 2026 Supreme Court decision upholding the challenged statutory membership-register provisions. The organisations maintained that the provisions should nevertheless be reviewed, arguing that they could restrict internal party democracy and political participation. <Cite refs={["turn525173search2","turn525173search3"]}/>

Calls for transparency and accountability

The groups accused INEC of inconsistency in its handling of candidate nominations and qualification-related complaints. They urged the commission to explain the basis for disputed omissions and substitutions and to apply electoral rules transparently across all political parties.

They also criticised provisions they said could restrict post-election challenges involving alleged certificate forgery, falsification, impersonation and perjury, arguing that electoral timelines should not shield criminal conduct from lawful investigation.

The statement urged the National Assembly to reconsider provisions the organisations consider restrictive and called on the judiciary to ensure that electoral disputes are resolved in accordance with the Constitution and applicable laws.

CACOBAG and CDJ appealed to pro-democracy and civil society organisations, including the United Action for Democracy, Committee for the Defence of Human Rights, SERAP, CISLAC and Transition Monitoring Group, to engage the issues. They also called on the Nigerian Bar Association, Nigeria Labour Congress and Trade Union Congress to defend democratic participation.

Four demands

The organisations presented four principal demands:

1. Restoration of candidates: INEC should restore candidates whom the groups believe were validly nominated but unlawfully excluded.
2. Publication of records: The commission should release results and video recordings of monitored party primaries, particularly the Labour Party primaries in Lagos State.
3. Review of electoral provisions: The National Assembly should repeal or amend provisions the groups consider restrictive of party membership and judicial scrutiny of alleged certificate forgery.
4. Judicial protection: Courts should scrutinise disputed candidate substitutions and ensure compliance with applicable legal requirements.

The statement was signed by CACOBAG Chairman, Prince Toyin Raheem; the organisation’s Publicity Secretary, Pastor Olutola Folorunsho; and CDJ Acting Secretary, Comrade Bello Bello.

The groups said their intervention was not intended to endorse any political party or candidate but to protect the right of Nigerians to make their electoral choices freely.

They warned that unresolved disputes over nominations, membership registration and the application of electoral laws could weaken confidence in the 2027 elections, urging electoral authorities and political parties to address the controversies through transparent and lawful procedures.

Tinubu’s Fuel Price Contradiction: Economic Injustice Must End, Nigerians Must Defend Their 2027 Votes

President Bola Tinubu’s 30-day petrol price intervention has reopened a fundamental debate about economic consistency, the burden of fuel pricing on ordinary Nigerians and the government’s responsibility to protect citizens from worsening hardship.

The Federal Government’s decision to have NNPC Retail forgo its retail profit margin and sell petrol at cost raises questions about the relationship between the administration’s commitment to deregulation and its willingness to intervene when prices become politically and economically difficult to sustain.

During a televised interview, Tinubu responded to a question from Babajide Kolade Otitoju about controlling petrol prices by declaring that he did not believe in price control. The publicly available interview provides a basis for examining the consistency of the administration’s current approach.

Although the Presidency has clarified that the 30-day measure is not a restoration of blanket fuel subsidy, Nigerians deserve a clear explanation of its scope, implementation and likely consequences when it expires.

The central question is straightforward: why should citizens bear the full weight of harsh economic adjustments only to receive temporary relief when the consequences become increasingly difficult to ignore?Economic policies must serve the people

The removal of longstanding petroleum price support and the adoption of market oriented policies have significantly altered the economic conditions confronting Nigerian households. Rising transport expenses affect food prices, workers’ disposable incomes, small businesses and the cost of accessing essential services.

For millions of Nigerians, the debate is not simply about whether petrol prices are determined by market forces. It is about whether wages, public services and social protection can sustain a decent standard of living under prevailing economic conditions.

Government must therefore be judged by the practical consequences of its policies. Economic reform cannot be considered successful merely because it changes pricing arrangements or satisfies a particular economic doctrine. It must also demonstrate measurable improvements in livelihoods, productivity, employment and public welfare.

Nigerians must not be impoverished by government policies only to be offered short-term relief as an instrument of electoral persuasion. Poverty must never become a weapon for trading away the people's economic dignity or democratic choices.

Nigeria’s foreign economic agreements require transparency

The Nigeria–France tax cooperation memorandum and the September 2026 Nigeria–United States mineral investment pact also deserve public scrutiny.

The tax cooperation arrangement involves collaboration between Nigeria’s Federal Inland Revenue Service and France’s tax authority. The mineral investment pact establishes a framework for American investment in Nigeria’s mineral sector, whose resources the Federal Government values at $700 billion.

International cooperation and foreign investment can offer opportunities for economic development. However, the public has a legitimate interest in understanding the terms of agreements that may affect national revenue, mineral wealth, regulatory authority and the distribution of economic benefits.

The government should explain how these arrangements protect Nigeria’s interests, strengthen domestic capacity, improve revenue generation and create tangible benefits for citizens and host communities.

Economic sovereignty is not necessarily incompatible with international partnerships. Rather, it requires that such partnerships be negotiated transparently, administered responsibly and structured to advance national development.

The temporary petrol price intervention raises another pressing question: what happens when the 30 days end?

The possibility of petrol prices reaching ₦2,200–₦2,500 per litre by December has been raised as a concern. Such figures should not be treated as confirmed future prices without reliable supporting evidence. Nevertheless, Nigerians deserve transparent information about the factors driving petroleum prices and the government’s plans for preventing further deterioration in living standards.

Comparisons with petrol prices in other countries are also insufficient when they ignore differences in wages, purchasing power, taxation, public transport, social protection and living standards.

The real measure of affordability is not the price displayed at a filling station alone. It is the proportion of a worker’s income required to purchase fuel and meet other essential needs.

A responsible economic policy must account for food, transportation, housing, healthcare, education and employment. The market cannot be treated as an abstract mechanism detached from the people whose daily lives depend on it.

2027: NIGERIANS MUST DEFEND THEIR DEMOCRATIC CHOICES 

Economic hardship and democratic accountability are closely connected. Citizens must be able to evaluate the performance of those in power and determine, through credible elections, whether they deserve another mandate.

As Nigeria approaches the 2027 general elections, voters must organise to protect the integrity of the electoral process. Political parties, civil society organisations, election observers and citizens should monitor polling activities, document irregularities, report violations and pursue lawful remedies.

The responsibility to protect the ballot extends beyond election day. It includes defending the transparency of the entire process, demanding accountability from electoral institutions and insisting that every legitimate vote counts.

Governor Babagana Zulum and other political figures whose public statements have raised concerns about electoral manipulation must understand that Nigerians will not accept the subversion of their democratic rights.

No politician owns Nigeria’s democracy. No political party has the right to impose an electoral outcome contrary to the lawful choices of voters.

Our response to electoral fraud, intimidation and the denial of legitimate mandates must be organised, peaceful, lawful and resolute.

Our call to action

Mẹkunnu Kọya calls on Nigerians to demand:

* Transparent petrol pricing: Clear information about the 30-day intervention, its implementation and the arrangements that will follow its expiration.

* Economic accountability: Public explanations of policies and agreements affecting national revenue, mineral resources and citizens’ welfare.

* People centred economic reforms: Policies that address purchasing power, employment, the cost of living and the protection of vulnerable households.

* Credible elections: Effective monitoring, transparent procedures and lawful action against electoral fraud and intimidation.

- Protection of the people’s mandate: A collective commitment to ensuring that every legitimate vote is counted and respected.

Nigeria cannot build a just society by asking its citizens to endure indefinite hardship while denying them meaningful accountability. Nor can democracy flourish when voters fear that their choices may be manipulated.

The struggle for economic dignity and the defence of the ballot are inseparable. Nigerians must neither surrender their economic future to policies that impoverish them nor surrender their democratic mandates to those who seek to subvert them.

Our message is clear:

ONE PERSON, ONE VOTE!

NO RIGGING, NO STOLEN MANDATE!

PROTECT THE VOTE, DEFEND THE PEOPLE’S WILL!

Comrade Wale Balogun is the Convener of Mẹkunnu Kọya. He writes from Lagos.

9 October 2026.

Rhodes-Vivour to APC: Stop Majoring on My Yoruba, Face Lagos’ Problems

 ADC candidate accuses ruling party of using Yoruba controversy to divert attention from roads, flooding, housing, traffic and waste crisis

By Our Correspondent

African Democratic Congress (ADC) governorship candidate in Lagos State, Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour, has accused the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) of deliberately turning the controversy over his Yoruba proficiency into a political distraction from the worsening challenges confronting Lagos residents.

Rhodes-Vivour, reacting to the mockery directed at his Yoruba language ability, said those attacking him should instead explain how more than two decades of APC administration had improved the lives of ordinary Lagosians.

He said the APC's focus on his Yoruba was an attempt to make Lagosians “major on the minor” rather than confront the realities of life in the state.

“As usual, the APC has resorted to its familiar strategy of distraction. Its loudest voices are not talking about the impact of their government on the people of Lagos.”

According to him, the issues demanding urgent attention include deteriorating roads, worsening flooding, a housing crisis, unreliable public water supply, crippling traffic and growing environmental degradation.

“They are not telling Lagosians how they have made their lives better. They are not talking about the state of our roads, the worsening flooding, the housing crisis, the lack of reliable public water, the traffic crisis or the growing filth across our city.”

Rhodes-Vivour said the same pattern of distraction was deployed during the 2023 election, when, according to him, political thuggery, intimidation and violence were used to force the APC's way into office.

He accused the ruling party of maintaining a political culture in which violence and intimidation are used to compensate for the inability to win public confidence through governance and performance.

“Why won’t the APC confront this problem? Because they depend on the same thugs and the same culture of political violence to force their way into power.”

He argued that a government confident in its record should be willing to defend that record before the people rather than shift public attention to peripheral controversies.

‘Lagos Traffic Is Not a Lifestyle’

Rhodes-Vivour also criticised the government's handling of transportation, housing, infrastructure and water supply.

He said roads have deteriorated, flooding has become more widespread, rents have continued to rise and affordable housing remains grossly inadequate.

On traffic, he accused the government of abandoning the search for lasting solutions and attempting instead to normalise congestion as an inevitable feature of Lagos.

“They have effectively given up on solving the traffic crisis. Now, instead of admitting failure and fixing the problem, they tell us that traffic is a ‘lifestyle.’”

He also questioned the state of public water supply, saying many Lagos communities continue to live without dependable access to government-provided water.

‘That Is Why Lagos Stinks’

The ADC candidate reserved some of his strongest criticism for waste management.

Rhodes-Vivour said Lagos operated more than 1,000 Private Sector Participation (PSP) waste trucks under former Governor Babatunde Fashola, but that the number has fallen to roughly 200 despite more than 12 years of APC administration.

He questioned how a rapidly expanding megacity could experience such a drastic reduction in waste collection capacity.

According to him, the problem is not simply the number of trucks but a waste management system undermined by corruption, poor management and what he described as racketeering around diesel, truck leasing and waste collection.

“The problem is not simply a lack of trucks. It is a system that has been weakened by corruption, poor management and alleged racketeering around diesel, truck leasing and waste collection.”

Rhodes-Vivour said the consequence is increasingly visible in communities across Lagos.

“That is why Lagos stinks.”

For him, the waste crisis is a governance failure, not merely a question of residents keeping their immediate surroundings clean.

‘We Must Stop Allowing Them to Change the Subject’

Rhodes-Vivour said his criticism of the APC does not diminish the importance he attaches to Yoruba language, culture and heritage.

Rather, he argued that cultural identity should not be weaponised to distract Lagosians from demanding accountability on governance.

He challenged the APC to stop changing the subject and answer the fundamental question confronting the state after years in power.

“The question is not who can shout the loudest. The question is, after all these years in power, have they made Lagos better for the ordinary Lagosian?”

He urged Lagosians to keep their attention on the issues that directly affect their lives.

“That is the conversation we should be having. That is the conversation they want us to avoid. And that is exactly the conversation we must continue to have.”

For Rhodes-Vivour, the central issue is therefore not whether he can satisfy his political opponents in a Yoruba language exchange, but whether those who have governed Lagos for years can demonstrate that their policies have delivered a better, cleaner, safer and more affordable city for ordinary Lagosians.

The message from the ADC candidate is unmistakable: Lagosians should not allow a debate over language to displace the bigger debate over governance, accountability and the quality of life in Lagos.

CULTURE, LANGUAGE AND THE HYPOCRISY OF ETHNIC POLITICS IN LAGOS

 

Culture is the total way of life of a people. It encompasses our folklore, songs, dances, dressing, food, religion, traditions and, most importantly, our language. Through language, a people communicate, preserve their history, transmit knowledge and values, and pass their collective worldview from one generation to another.

Language is therefore not merely a means of communication; it is a repository of identity and collective memory. A people who lose their language risk losing an important part of their cultural consciousness. This is why the countries generally regarded as developed have preserved and promoted their indigenous languages in governance, education, social interaction and knowledge production, despite the historical exploitation of Africa's human and material resources by many of those same powers.

Colonialism deliberately disrupted this cultural continuity in Africa. Colonial languages were imposed on African societies and became official or dominant languages, while indigenous religions, traditions and systems of knowledge were systematically undermined. Christianity and Islam subsequently became dominant religious traditions across much of Africa.

The consequences of this cultural dislocation remain evident today. Yet cultural identity cannot be reduced to the ability to speak a particular language. Speaking Yoruba fluently does not automatically make someone a better Yoruba person, just as not speaking Yoruba fluently does not make someone less Yoruba. Commitment to a people's history, culture, traditions, values and collective advancement must also be taken into consideration.

It is against this background that I find the current campaign of blackmail and propaganda against the African Democratic Congress (ADC) governorship candidate, Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour, simply because he does not speak Yoruba fluently, both appalling and intellectually dishonest.

The APC propaganda machinery and its political data boys are making a spectacle of Gbadebo's language proficiency, as though fluency in Yoruba were the ultimate measure of Yoruba identity, political legitimacy or commitment to Lagos.

It is not.

On several fronts, Gbadebo has demonstrated a strong commitment to Yoruba culture and tradition. From close observation, his cultural identification is more visible than that of many of those now attacking him.

Gbadebo hardly wears English or other foreign modes of dressing and attire. He is frequently seen in Yoruba traditional clothing, including fitting caps, as part of his normal public appearance. This is significant because cultural identity should not be something politicians remember only when elections are approaching.

His public identification with Ìṣẹ̀ṣe, the indigenous Yoruba religious and cultural system, is another important dimension of his cultural outlook.

The argument about Gbadebo's Yoruba identity is further strengthened by the fact that Yoruba traditionalists have publicly defended his Yoruba lineage and explained the basis for his Obalefun title.

At the same time, some of those presenting themselves as the ultimate defenders of Yoruba identity have historically shown little interest in preserving indigenous African spirituality and traditional institutions, even while promoting Christianity and Islam.

Again, there is nothing wrong with Nigerians practising Christianity or Islam. Freedom of religion is fundamental.

The issue is consistency. It is difficult to accept the argument that a person's Yoruba identity should be questioned because he cannot speak Yoruba fluently while the same political environment routinely celebrates foreign religious and cultural influences and, in some instances, commits public resources to religious pilgrimages.

Culture should not become an electoral costume, and language should not become a weapon of ethnic exclusion.

THE SAME OLD "ỌMỌ ÌGBÒ" PROPAGANDA

We saw this same politics during the 2023 governorship election, when the campaign of calumny portrayed Gbadebo as Ọmọ Ìgbò, suggesting that his allegiance would be to the Igbo people simply because his mother is Igbo.

This was primitive ethnic politics.

The hypocrisy becomes even clearer when we consider the extensive inter-ethnic relationships within Nigeria's political class itself.

The late Rotimi Akeredolu, a prominent Yoruba politician and APC governor of Ondo State, was married to Betty Anyanwu-Akeredolu, an Igbo woman from Imo State. Their marriage was publicly known, and Betty herself spoke about the ethnic prejudices surrounding their relationship.

So why should Gbadebo's Igbo maternal heritage suddenly become evidence that he cannot be trusted with the affairs of Lagos?

Why should marriage or maternal ancestry determine political loyalty?

Lagos itself is a product of centuries of interaction among different peoples. It is a cosmopolitan city with a deep Yoruba historical and cultural foundation. Being Yoruba does not require Lagos to become an ethnic prison.

The renewed campaign against Gbadebo is therefore empty. Lagosians are wiser.

And I ask a simple question: how many times did Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu and his predecessors, including President Bola Ahmed Tinubu when he was governor of Lagos, address Lagosians in Yoruba during major public engagements?

If language proficiency is to become the ultimate test of Yoruba identity and political legitimacy, the APC should apply its own standard consistently.

Let us stop pretending.

The real question before Lagos voters is not whether Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour speaks Yoruba with the fluency of someone born and raised in a Yoruba-speaking household.

The real questions are:

What does he have to offer Lagos?

Can he provide better governance?

Can he tackle flooding?

Can he address the housing crisis?

Can he improve transportation?

Can he create opportunities for young Lagosians?

Can he protect public resources?

Can he promote accountability and transparency?

Can he preserve Lagos's history, culture and heritage?

Can he offer Lagosians a credible alternative to the political dynasty that has dominated the state for the last 27 years?

These are the questions that should determine the future of Lagos—not whether a candidate's mother is Igbo or whether he previously struggled to speak Yoruba fluently.

Gbadebo has also taken steps to improve his Yoruba and has said publicly that he engaged a Yoruba teacher and intends to campaign in the language. That effort should be encouraged, not ridiculed. A person who recognises a weakness and takes deliberate steps to correct it should be commended.

The Yoruba electorate should therefore see beyond the shenanigans, ethnic rhetoric and propaganda surrounding Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour.

We should judge political candidates by their competence, integrity, commitment, vision and what they intend to do for the people.

The politics of saying "Gbadebo is Ọmọ Ìgbò" because his mother is Igbo is as mischievous as saying that somebody is automatically a better Yoruba because he can speak Yoruba fluently.

Yoruba identity is bigger than language alone. Yoruba civilisation is bigger than political propaganda. And the Yoruba people are bigger than politicians who exploit their identity for electoral advantage.

Our strong appeal to the Lagos electorate is therefore to vote for a credible alternative to the mischievous propaganda of the ruling party in Lagos.

Let Lagosians reject ethnic blackmail.

Let Lagosians reject political manipulation.

Let Lagosians demand competence, accountability and development.

Let Lagosians choose a government that belongs to the people rather than a political dynasty.

And let the Akotileta government understand one thing:

Yorùbá ò pọnú — Yoruba people are not stupid.

Comrade Wale Balogun
National Coordinator, Yoruba Revolutionary Movement (YOREM)
Convener, Mẹkunnu Kọya
Writes from Lagos
4 October 2026

Osun Floods: A Peer Review of Four Administrations and the Aregbesola Environmental Legacy

 

From Oyinlola to Aregbesola, Oyetola and Adeleke; what happened to Osun's drains, canals, waterways and waste management?

By Comrade Wale Balogun, Convener, Mẹkunnu Kọya

The serious flooding now affecting parts of Osun State is more than a seasonal inconvenience. Homes, shops, businesses and personal belongings are being destroyed, while families are again being exposed to hardship and uncertainty.

For many residents, the situation inevitably brings back memories of an earlier period when the state government embarked on a deliberate programme of dredging rivers, opening waterways, expanding drainage channels, removing obstructions and deploying O'YES cadets to keep public spaces and drainage corridors clean.

A peer review of the four administrations of Olagunsoye Oyinlola, Rauf Aregbesola, Gboyega Oyetola and Ademola Adeleke therefore provides useful lessons.

Oyinlola: when flooding became a recurring crisis

The later Oyinlola years were marked by serious flooding, culminating in the devastating 2010 experience that preceded the change of government. Gbonmi became one of the symbolic examples.

The name itself became part of the political folklore of Osogbo because of the area's repeated flooding. In a 2016 report, Punch recalled that a former governor had jokingly told residents during a television programme that they should either be prepared to continue bailing water from their houses or relocate because, having chosen to live there, they had “met the water.” The former governor referred to was Olagunsoye Oyinlola.

Whatever the humour intended, the statement is revealing of an older philosophy of governance: treating a flood prone community as though its residents, rather than government, bore the primary responsibility for the environmental danger.

Good governance should take the opposite approach, identify the danger, intervene before disaster and protect citizens and their property.

Aregbesola: from reaction to prevention

Aregbesola fundamentally changed the approach. His administration introduced O'Clean, expanded waste management, deployed O'YES cadets for sanitation and environmental work, cleared vegetation, desilted waterways and embarked on major channelisation projects.

The important distinction was that the government did not wait for flood victims to start bailing water before acting. It attempted to remove the conditions that produced the flooding.

The scale was considerable. Contemporary reporting recorded extensive desilting of rivers, streams and canals across Osun, including major interventions in Osogbo. By 2018, The Guardian reported that approximately 861 kilometres of waterways, canals and streams had been desilted over seven years.

Gbonmi: the clearest test case

The most compelling evidence is Gbonmi itself. The administration implemented the Gbonmi–Obaate, Okooko River channelisation project. The Guardian reported that Gbonmi, previously known for frequent flooding, had remained flood free for seven years following the intervention. Similar channelisation works were undertaken around Rasco, Alekunwodo and Old Nitel, Alekunwodo.

A 2016 letter published by The Nation provides an even more personal account. A resident described how his parents' home in Gbonmi had flooded every year before 2011, forcing the family to consider relocating. After Aregbesola's desilting and waterway clearing programme, the family reported that they no longer had to abandon the house during the rains.

This is the practical meaning of preventive governance. The government did not tell Gbonmi residents to learn how to bail water. It attacked the cause of the problem.

Oyetola: some continuity, but not the same momentum

Oyetola inherited both the environmental infrastructure and the institutional machinery established under Aregbesola, under whom he had served as Chief of Staff.

To his credit, he did not completely abandon the environmental programme.

His administration continued dredging. In 2019 and 2020, it cleared and dredged several rivers and waterways, including the Osun River, Opopo River, Rasco Stream and other channels. It also strengthened enforcement against indiscriminate refuse disposal.

Oyetola also retained and later expanded O'YES. His administration increased cadet allowances and described the scheme as a legacy programme that should be sustained.

But the critical question is continuity of intensity and strategic purpose.

Aregbesola's environmental programme had been conceived as a broad, visible and continuous intervention involving sanitation, waste collection, drainage, canalisation, river dredging, vegetation control and youth mobilisation.

Under Oyetola, some of these components continued, but the momentum and comprehensive character of the earlier intervention were less evident. The result was that recurring flooding remained a problem in places such as Gbonmi, Gbodofon, Rasco, Alekunwodo and other Osogbo communities.

The 2019 flooding itself demonstrated that the earlier gains required much more systematic maintenance and expansion. More than 100 houses were reported submerged in Osogbo, with Gbonmi, Gbodofon, Awosuru and other areas affected.

Thus, the fairest criticism of Oyetola is not that he did nothing, but that he did not build sufficiently on the scale and integrated preventive approach of the administration he had served.

Adeleke: renewed intervention, but the problem remains

The Adeleke administration inherited the same environmental challenge. It has undertaken renewed dredging and drainage clearance, including work on the Osun River in Osogbo, and has warned residents against dumping refuse into waterways.

The administration has also responded to recent flooding by ordering emergency clearance of waterways and proposing a more comprehensive flood management framework.

These are necessary interventions. But the recurrence of serious flooding demonstrates that emergency response cannot substitute for permanent environmental management.

The state needs a system in which rivers and canals are routinely inspected and desilted before the rainy season, drainage channels are kept open throughout the year, illegal structures on waterways are removed and waste disposal is effectively regulated.

The O'YES lesson

The environmental dimension of O'YES deserves special attention. The cadets were not merely unemployed young people receiving stipends. Through cadres such as the Green Gang, Public Sanitation and Public Works Brigade, they provided visible manpower for keeping communities clean, cutting weeds and assisting with environmental maintenance.

Oyetola continued the scheme and, by 2022, announced another recruitment exercise after a period of reduced activity.

Adeleke subsequently replaced O'YES with the Imole Youth Corps. Whatever the political arguments surrounding the different schemes, the environmental lesson is straightforward: Osun needs a permanent community based environmental workforce.

Young people can be trained and deployed to clear vegetation, maintain drainage corridors, monitor blocked waterways, support waste collection and report emerging flood risks.

This should not be treated as a temporary political programme. It should be part of the state's environmental infrastructure.

The verdict

The peer review produces a reasonably clear picture.

Oyinlola: inherited and presided over a period in which recurrent flooding exposed the weakness of the state's preventive drainage system. The insensitive joke attributed to him about Gbonmi residents “meeting the water” became an unfortunate symbol of that era.

Aregbesola: introduced the most comprehensive and visibly preventive environmental intervention of the four administrations — O'Clean, O'YES environmental manpower, waste management, drainage expansion, river dredging and major channelisation. The transformation reported in Gbonmi is the strongest practical evidence of its effectiveness.

Oyetola: continued some of the inherited programmes, including dredging, waste enforcement and O'YES, but failed to sustain the environmental intervention with the same breadth and momentum required to consolidate Aregbesola's gains. The recurring floods showed the cost of insufficient continuity.

Adeleke: has renewed dredging, drainage clearance and environmental enforcement, but the recurrence of serious flooding demonstrates that the state still needs a permanent, integrated flood prevention system rather than periodic emergency interventions.

What Osun should do now

The immediate priority should be prevention. Government should urgently deploy the appropriate heavy equipment, including swamp bulldozers, excavators and dredging equipment where technically necessary, to clear blocked rivers, canals and drainage channels throughout Osun and adjoining affected communities.

But equipment alone is not enough.

Osun needs:

• routine pre rainy season dredging and desilting;
• continuous clearing of drainage channels;
• strict enforcement against dumping refuse into waterways;
• removal of structures obstructing natural waterways;
• restoration and protection of flood plains;
• properly funded waste collection;
• a permanent community environmental workforce;
• flood risk mapping and early warning systems; and
• transparent annual environmental performance reports.

The Gbonmi experience has already demonstrated what preventive investment can accomplish. The lesson should not be forgotten.

When government clears the waterways before the rain comes, people do not have to spend the rainy season bailing water out of their homes.

Good governance is not simply arriving after disaster with relief materials. It is anticipating danger, preventing avoidable damage, protecting lives and safeguarding the homes, businesses and livelihoods of citizens.

Osun deserves nothing less.

GAFAMORG Backs Labour Strike, Demands Living Wage, Purchasing Power Protection

The Gani Fawehinmi Memorial Organization has thrown its weight behind the three day warning strike embarked upon by organised labour, saying the current economic crisis requires Nigerians to move beyond the traditional struggle for wage increases to a broader campaign for living dignity and national prosperity.

GAFAMORG, in a statement issued on Friday, said the strike reflected genuine concerns over declining purchasing power, soaring food and transport costs, unpaid wage related obligations and the need for a new minimum wage that would reflect the realities of Nigerian households.

The organisation, however, warned that simply increasing salaries without addressing inflation and the rising cost of essential goods and services could leave workers no better off.

“The question is no longer how much more should workers be paid, but what Nigerians must earn, and what government must provide, for people to live with dignity and build prosperity,” GAFAMORG stated.

The organisation said the current wage debate should therefore be reframed around purchasing power, arguing that the real value of a salary should be measured by what it can buy rather than by the nominal amount paid to workers.

It said, “A wage increase alone is not enough. A nominal increase can be wiped out by inflation tomorrow. What matters is not merely what a worker earns, but what that income can actually buy.”

Seven point agenda

GAFAMORG proposed a seven point framework which includes an emergency relief package for workers and pensioners, a new national living wage process, wage and pension indexation, a sustainable petrol price and transport solution, a social wage framework, inclusion of informal workers in wage institutions and the establishment of a National Living Wage and Purchasing-Power Council.

The organisation called on the Federal and state governments, in collaboration with organised labour, to negotiate and publish an emergency relief package within 14 days.

The proposed package would include wage awards, transport support and payment of arrears, with clear eligibility criteria, funding sources, payment schedules and periodic reviews based on changes in food, transport and energy prices.

It also proposed the adoption, by January 2027, of a national cost of living basket covering food, housing, transportation, energy, healthcare, education, water and communications.

According to the organisation, the methodology and data used in determining the basket must be publicly available and reflect regional differences in the cost of living.

GAFAMORG further called for legally enforceable quarterly reviews of wages and pensions, with adjustments triggered when the cost of essential goods or inflation rises by five per cent from the previous adjustment.

Fuel price not enough

On petrol pricing, GAFAMORG said the reduction of the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit alone should not be presented as evidence that Nigerians have achieved economic relief.

It called for a 90 day energy and transport stabilisation plan focused on domestic refining, reliable supply, transparent petrol pricing and affordable mass transportation.

The group also demanded regular publication of refining, importation and price components, alongside targeted and audited support for vulnerable households and public transport users.

Informal sector

GAFAMORG said millions of Nigerians working outside the formal economy must not be excluded from the national conversation on wages and economic wellbeing.

It called for a national informal work forum within 60 days, with consultations across the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory.

Farmers, traders, artisans, transport workers, market women, pensioners, women, youths, self employed persons and civil society organisations, it said, should have a permanent voice in institutions responsible for determining national living standards.

“Informal workers cannot be invisible. They also pay rent, transport fares, fuel costs, school fees and medical bills,” the organisation said.

Proposed council

GAFAMORG also proposed the establishment of an independent National Living Wage and Purchasing Power Council within 90 days.

The council, according to the organisation, should comprise representatives of government, labour, employers, informal workers, farmers, pensioners, women, youths, civil society and experts.

It would publish monthly cost-of-living data and quarterly purchasing-power reports, recommend wage adjustments, monitor wage erosion and assess the delivery of social services.

The council would also be empowered to trigger a policy response when purchasing power falls below an agreed national threshold.

GAFAMORG said the proposed framework should introduce a new relationship between living wage, social wage and purchasing-power protection.

It said economic reforms should ultimately be judged by their impact on ordinary households.

“There should be no economic reform without purchasing power protection, no wage negotiation without a living-wage test, no pension policy without inflation protection and no prosperity agenda that excludes informal workers,” the organisation said.

GAFAMORG urged organised labour, civil society, farmers, traders, artisans, pensioners, professionals, women, youths and communities to participate in its People's Living Dignity Test 2026, saying household experiences should form part of the evidence used to assess the country's economic condition.

The organisation said the central question Nigerians should ask in the current wage debate is simple: “What will the wage actually buy?”

It added that the answer to that question should form the basis of any credible national prosperity programme.