The article argues that Africa's historical experience with Western powers should make Africans cautious about accepting claims that foreign intervention is motivated solely by humanitarian, religious or security concerns. It draws a direct historical line from colonialism, when European powers invoked civilisation and Christianity while extracting African labour and resources, to contemporary forms of political and economic influence. The writer's central premise is that military, diplomatic and economic engagements with Africa should be examined within the wider context of geopolitical interests and resource competition.
The article then connects the United States' designation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern over religious-freedom issues and the December 2025 US airstrikes against ISIS linked targets in Sokoto with the subsequent September 2026 US-Nigeria mineral sector framework. The writer highlights Nigeria's estimated $700 billion mineral wealth and argues that the timing and combination of religious, military and economic engagement warrant closer scrutiny.
A major argument concerns neocolonialism and the Tinubu administration. The writer interprets increased American engagement with Nigeria's mineral resources as potentially representing a strategic concession to US interests. He further raises the possibility that economic and diplomatic arrangements could create international tolerance for democratic or human-rights violations by the Nigerian government, particularly in the context of the 2027 elections. The article connects this concern to the government's handling of the #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protests, allegations of excessive force and the prosecution of protesters under serious charges.
The broader political argument is that economic sovereignty is inseparable from political sovereignty. According to the writer, genuine independence requires African countries to control how their natural resources are developed, how their economies are structured and whose interests influence national policy. He therefore rejects reliance on imperial powers for security, finance, technology, knowledge or resource development and argues that foreign investment should be interrogated rather than automatically equated with development.
Finally, the article is fundamentally a call for political education and historical consciousness. Its recurring message is that Africans must study slavery, colonialism, the Scramble for Africa, neocolonialism, resource exploitation and the interaction between religion and geopolitical power. The writer concludes that Africa's liberation cannot be outsourced and that a new generation must understand the structural relationships that sustain external dependence. The article therefore combines a historical critique of imperialism with a contemporary political argument about Nigeria's resources, sovereignty, democracy and foreign relations.
26TH SEPTEMBER 2026
FROM “CHRISTIAN GENOCIDE” TO MINERAL WEALTH: HOW TRUMP’S US IMPERIALISM TARGETED NIGERIA’S UNTAPPED RESOURCES THROUGH THE TINUBU NEO-COLONIAL REGIME
Generation after generation, Africans have failed to adequately study their own history, and consequently, generation after generation continues to become a victim of history.
THE PATTERN IS NOT NEW
The colonial masters came to Africa claiming to bring civilisation, Christianity and progress to our forefathers. Behind the language of civilisation was the violent reality of conquest, slavery, exploitation and the systematic extraction of Africa's human and natural resources. The consequences of that colonial relationship continue to shape our continent today, even as millions of Africans remain trapped in poverty and deprivation.
We must therefore be careful whenever powerful foreign governments present military intervention, religious protection or humanitarian concern as the principal motivation for their involvement in Africa.
In 2025, President Donald Trump placed Nigeria on the United States' list of Countries of Particular Concern over religious-freedom concerns and repeatedly spoke about the persecution of Christians. On December 25, 2025, the United States carried out airstrikes against ISIS-linked targets in Sokoto State, in coordination with the Nigerian government. The United States claimed that multiple ISIS militants were killed in the operation. However, rather than producing a significant improvement in the country's security situation, the security crisis has continued, with violence and insecurity remaining widespread and, in some areas, worsening.
My political interpretation is that Africans must not look at such developments in isolation. We must examine them against the broader history of imperialism, geopolitical interests and the competition for Africa's strategic resources.
And now, in September 2026, Nigeria and the United States have signed a framework aimed at attracting American investment into Nigeria's mineral sector, which the Nigerian government estimates at about $700 billion. The framework covers geological data and exploration, mineral development and processing, infrastructure and technical capacity.
For me, this raises a fundamental question: What lessons have we learnt from history?
History teaches us that foreign powers rarely engage with Africa without pursuing their own strategic and economic interests.
Unfortunately, many Africans, including religious extremists and sections of the political class, celebrated the rhetoric of foreign intervention without sufficiently interrogating the historical pattern of imperialism and resource extraction. This is why I believe we need less obsession with social-media noise and more serious political education.
AFRICANS MUST READ AFRICAN HISTORY
We must study colonialism. We must study slavery. We must study the scramble for Africa. We must study neocolonialism. We must study how Africa's natural resources have historically been exploited and we must understand how religion, military power, diplomacy and economic interests have sometimes interacted in the pursuit of geopolitical objectives.
History continues to repeat itself when societies refuse to learn from it, and too often, the victims remain the same.
My political interpretation of these neocolonial transactions is that they may represent a strategic concession by the Tinubu regime to US imperialism, potentially aimed at securing the silence or acquiescence of a global power ahead of the forthcoming election. It raises the concern that such an arrangement could be intended to create diplomatic cover for the regime should it attempt to manipulate the election or unleash brutal repression against citizens who may resist electoral malpractice or protest worsening economic hardship.
This concern cannot be divorced from the government's response to the #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protests, when security forces were accused of using excessive and deadly force against protesters, while others who protested against hunger and economic hardship were arrested and prosecuted on serious charges, including treason. Critics have also argued that international powers largely failed to exert meaningful pressure on the Tinubu administration over these developments, at a time when the government was implementing far-reaching neoliberal economic policies.
From my perspective, this raises a broader question about the relationship between imperial interests and democratic accountability: when a government adopts policies that deepen economic dependence and open the country's resources and markets to powerful foreign interests, do those same foreign powers have an incentive to overlook violations of democratic and human rights when their strategic and economic interests are being protected?
This is precisely why Africans must interrogate neocolonial relationships beyond the language of investment, partnership and development. True sovereignty requires not merely political independence, but the economic freedom to determine how our resources are developed, how our economy is structured and whose interests ultimately determine the direction of our society.
That is why the struggle for democracy and sovereignty cannot depend on the goodwill of imperial powers. We must completely break from imperial dependency.
Africa needs a generation equipped with political education, not merely social-media opinions; a generation capable of understanding the relationship between power, economics, history, religion and imperialism.
We must raise young Africans who understand that the struggle for genuine sovereignty is not simply about changing political leaders. It is about transforming the structures that keep Africa dependent on external powers for security, technology, finance, knowledge and the development of its own natural resources.
Africa must also free itself from religious colonialism, the mindset that makes Africans believe that salvation, civilisation or protection must come from foreign powers. Our liberation cannot be outsourced.
Africa must study its history, understand its present and fight for control of its future. The continent must break free from imperialism, neocolonialism and every form of external dominance, political, economic, cultural and religious.
Francis Nwapa
Socialist Activist and Human Rights Advocate